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UPDATED: Tue Apr 30 15:05:57 2002

Dr Gro Harlem Brundtland        
Director-General
World Health Organization

Ditchley Park, Oxfordshire
26 April 2002

   

Health as Foreign Policy

Ladies and Gentlemen,

In the modern world, bacteria and viruses travel almost as fast as money. With globalization, there are no health sanctuaries.

Even the richest of countries cannot isolate themselves to keep out infectious diseases. The separation between domestic and international health problems is no longer useful. Two million people cross international borders every single day, about a tenth of humanity each year. And, of these, more than a million travel from developing to industrialized countries each week.

This is an accelerating trend. It is not only the infectious diseases which spread with globalization. Changes in lifestyle and diet, stimulated through mass marketing, prompt an increase in rates of heart disease, diabetes and cancer. The use of tobacco is also marketed across the globe. Only weeks after the old socialist economies in Europe and Asia opened up to Western goods and capital, camels and cowboys began to appear on buildings and billboards.

Let me summarize the impact of global illness and risks to health.

First - sickness and death. Excessive levels of disability, illness and death are experienced by the billions of poor people in our world.

They are also undermining the development of whole societies. High levels of HIV/AIDS infection, tuberculosis and malaria, maternal illness and injury, childhood illness and non-communicable diseases, are all undermining the productivity of nations.

Then we experience interference with international trade. The spread of new variant Creutzfeldt-Jakob disease through BSE-infected meat products has had devastating consequences for agriculture, particularly in Britain. The economies of countries like India and Peru have been severely dented by outbreaks of plague and cholera.

We have seen the economic and political consequences of the possibility that biological and chemical agents can be used as weapons.

There are other impacts too, such as the way fear of illness affects the choices people make in their daily lives, and their perceptions of what the future holds in store.

A good diet, access to clean water and sanitation, protection against mosquitoes and other disease vectors all provide people with a sense of security. This is increased through ready access to effective health care, with essential medicines and functioning services. The person who enjoys good health can expect to live long, and to have some confidence about the future. She or he is better able to shape the future than one who is persistently exposed to the risk of illness and counts only on good fortune to survive the next rainy season.

A dramatic rise in the risk of illness - as a result of an epidemic, for example - provokes fear, especially among those who have minimal access to services. The threat of the intentional spread of illness is frightening too.

Fear - whether as a result of cruelty, of violence, of disease or as a malicious combination of all three - undermines people's ability to trust those who are charged with safeguarding their societies - particularly their governments.

At the same time, fear and mistrust - whether between peoples, or between nations - are stoked by divisions in society. The most pernicious division is the gap between the haves and the have-nots. Within today's world, eighty per cent of the population struggles to survive while the other twenty per cent live in robust affluence. This gaping injustice is painfully evident to the millions who are worst off. They die young, suffer more and miss out on so many of life's opportunities. Such poverty steals hope, breeds despair and provokes frustration.

I sense there is new hope for change. At the millennium summit in New York, the world's Heads of States agreed on a set of global development goals. Earlier this year, in Monterrey, they agreed to start mobilizing the funds for achieving these goals. Donor governments showed a new willingness to support national development efforts that are effective and deliver results.

It is no coincidence that the Monterrey consensus comes at a time when we are confronting those who are bent on sowing fear and uncertainty in our midst.

Not long after September 11, British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, said "The test of any decent society is not the contentment of the wealthy and strong, but the commitment to the poor and weak."

How can we reflect such a commitment? In 1999, I asked leading economists and health experts from around the world, to come together and consider the links between health and economic development. Five months ago, this Commission on Macroeconomics and Health delivered its Report, based on the work of several hundred leading scientists. It concludes, quite simply, that disease is a drain on development, and that investments in health are a concrete input into economic growth and global security.

The Commissioners estimated that an annual investment of US$ 66 billion over fifteen years could save eight million lives each year, and create six-fold returns in the form of economic growth. Of that annual investment, more than half could come from developing nations themselves, leaving foreign development assistance with an annual bill of US$ 29 billion.

The Commissioners argue that such investments would bring immediate benefits to countries now shaken by the AIDS epidemic, burdened by high malaria transmission or affected by non-communicable diseases and injuries. Children with better health will get better education. This lays better foundations for lower population growth and a democratic society.

The implication of the Commission's report is that investments in people, and their health, is the cornerstone of good development policy. But, it has a cost. Electorates are wary of empowering their legislators to increase development assistance. They need convincing that it can be effective. We who do the work must be called to account.

Within WHO, we are working with donor nations, as well as public and private sector partners, to develop funding mechanisms that are driven by results. The Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization has blazed a trail. And the new Global Fund to Fight HIV/AIDS, TB and Malaria is showing great promise.

Right now we are working with comparatively small sums of new money - a few billion dollars a year. Much more is needed. But when we compare it to current investments in defence, barriers to trade, and the bills for international relief and reconstruction efforts as a consequence of armed conflict and failed states, our suggested annual outlay of US$ 29  billion for health looks fairly modest.

There are some who question whether good development policy is also good foreign policy. What is the political advantage, to a wealthy nation, of investing in global health? How does it compare with the application of sanctions, the supply of peacekeepers and the promotion of good government? Are not the outcomes of investing in health frustratingly vague, imprecise and long-term? The simple answer is NO.

Careful investments in health serve as a bridge for peace. Last November I visited North and South Korea. The leadership in both countries value their collaboration to reduce malaria and TB in the North. They see it as a key opportunity to re-establish communications and nourish a dialogue and will use such campaigns to melt ice that has built up between them.

The global polio eradication campaign has successfully negotiated days of tranquillity to carry out mass immunizations, offering opportunities for further dialogue among warring parties.

Investments in health are also good for diplomatic relations. The Scandinavian countries have made conscious decisions to offer long-term support to many nations, particularly in Africa. We stuck with them while they sought to protect their health systems against the after-effects of economic and political change in the 80's. We called for structural adjustment with a human face, and proposed that a minimum of 20% of development assistance be earmarked for the social sectors. We promoted access to essential medicines, reproductive health care and safe pregnancy. We were quick to help countries confront the emerging horrors of HIV/AIDS. We made similar investments in education, environment, women's rights and civil society.

We can now see the fruits of this investment. They have brought real benefits to people, especially when their governments made the right policy choices. The investments also helped train some of the leaders of today, and those leaders remember that the Scandinavian nations stood by them during hard times. Not easily quantified, I grant you, but it is a reality.

Questions are being asked, even in Scandinavia. Is it reasonable to be in the lead, alone? Why are other rich nations not following suit? Monterrey is one step forward. Now, let’s stay our course and convince others!

The challenge is to demonstrate the benefits to all those whose taxes make them possible.

Friends,

That is not the only challenge. We also need to come to terms with new demands being made on those who implement foreign policy. The lines between diplomacy, trade, development assistance, defence, environment and health have blurred.

Trade negotiators have scrambled to understand the intricacies of access to medicines. Defence attaches have taken crash-courses in the epidemiology of smallpox, anthrax and botulism. Development economists struggle to measure the economic effects of malaria. Diplomats are learning the intricacies of treating people with AIDS. Whether we like it or not, health is deeply embedded in foreign policy, and set to stay there.

The separation of foreign and domestic policies are becoming blurred, too. School children and chat-show guests debate how trade can be fair. Rock stars speak out on the evils of globalization. Companies vie with each other to show corporate responsibility - seeking to convince their workforce and their customers, as well as the activists. This is reflected by legislators who want to be engaged effectively on the global scene.

Governments are responding by reshaping the international architecture. New global mechanisms are designed to bring real benefits to those in our global village who are most in need. New tools and collaborations feature in the lexicon of foreign policy. Public-private partnerships for life-saving medicines and technology. New thinking about patents and pricing structures, seeking to ensure that poor people can access the medicines they need. Doha was just the beginning.

New - and effective - alliances have been put in place to help countries identify, and respond to, global health threats. WHO is supporting them, but we do not run them.

We are hosting regular meetings between governments as they negotiate a new Framework Convention for Tobacco Control to curb the ability of tobacco companies to market their lethal products wherever they wish. We anticipate it will be ready by next summer. We are now preparing to revise the International Health Regulations, and this - too - will require intense negotiation between governments. The work will be done by foreign policy specialists, who are now boning up quickly on the intricacies of health legislation.

Diplomats from wealthy nations are having to keep pace with a changing agenda, and move into uncharted waters. They no longer argue that it is "outside their national interest" to be involved in international health issues. They are showing new leadership, and drawing on their reserves of wisdom, to grasp new opportunities. They focus on results as well as process, fighting to avoid supporting initiatives that are destined to wither and be ineffectual. Global health is now firmly embedded in their objectives.

Their next challenge is to find better ways to meet the costs of investing in health. Few are yet prepared to support the concept of global taxation to pay for security in the face of health threats. But what is the Global Fund to Fight HIV/AIDS, TB and Malaria? Is it not a voluntary levy for enlightened self-interest?

It is now no longer a question of whether to make investment in global health an element of foreign policy. It is a question of how to turn policy into measurable results - and how to ensure the benefits reach future generations of world citizens. That, I sense, is our challenge for the weekend.

Thank you.

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